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سیاست همسایگی اروپا و تأثیر آن بر همگرایی اتحادیۀ اروپا و جمهوری مولداوی | ||
| مطالعات اوراسیای مرکزی | ||
| دوره 13، شماره 2، مهر 1399، صفحه 681-708 اصل مقاله (861.75 K) | ||
| نوع مقاله: مقاله پژوهشی | ||
| شناسه دیجیتال (DOI): 10.22059/jcep.2020.308093.449944 | ||
| نویسنده | ||
| رکسانا نیکنامی* | ||
| استادیار مطالعات منطقه‌ای، دانشگاه تهران | ||
| چکیده | ||
| با پایان جنگ سرد، اروپا با چالشهای ژئوپلیتیک جدیدی روبه‌رو شد که تأثیر محیط پیرامونی را بر امنیت این قاره افزایش داد. یکی از این چالش‌‌ها، استقلال اقمار شوروی در اروپای شرقی بود. دولت مستقل مولداوی در سال ۱۹۹۱ در نقشۀ سیاسی جهان متولد شد. پس از عضویت رومانی در اتحادیۀ اروپا، این کشور همسایۀ اتحادیۀ اروپا شد و در سال ۲۰۰۴ در کنار پنج کشور دیگر، سیاست همسایگی اروپا و بعد سیاست مشارکت شرقی را پذیرفت. این سیاست مهمترین ابزار اتحادیۀ اروپا برای پیشبرد همگرایی در محیط همسایگی شرقی محسوب می‌شود و مولداوی به بهترین شکل از امکانات آن استفاده کرده است. به‌طوری که فرایند همگرایی به‌سوی بستن موافقتنامۀ تجارت آزاد عمیق و همهجانبه کشیده شد و نظام آزادسازی ویزا نیز برای مولداوی برقرار شد. با توجه به آنچه گفتیم این پرسش مطرح است که اجرای سیاست همسایگی اروپا و بهطور مشخص سیاست مشارکت شرقی چه تأثیری بر همگرایی اتحادیۀ اروپا و مولداوی داشته است و تا چه حد اتحادیۀ اروپا توانسته است آن را به‌صورت موفقیتآمیزی به پیش ببرد؟ در پاسخ این فرضیه را مطرح می‌کنیم که بهبود روابط در قالب موافقتنامۀ همکاری و تجارت آزاد میان اتحادیۀ اروپا و مولداوی سبب تسری همگرایی از حوزۀ اقتصادی به حوزۀ سیاسی و نهادی و گسترش روابط دو طرف شده است؛ اما از نظر عمق تأثیر آن با عامل‌های متعدد داخلی و خارجی از سوی هر دو طرف محدود شده است. بر همین مبنا در این نوشتار با استفاده از روش تحلیل ژرف‌نگرانه موضوع را تبیین و برای آزمون فرضیه نیز از منطق تسری در نظریۀ نوکارکردگرایی استفاده می‌کنیم. | ||
| کلیدواژه‌ها | ||
| اتحادیۀ اروپا؛ تسری؛ سیاست مشارکت شرقی؛ سیاست همسایگی اروپا؛ مولداوی؛ نوکارکردگرایی | ||
| عنوان مقاله [English] | ||
| The Impact of “European Neighborhood Policy” on EU-Republic of Moldova Integration | ||
| نویسندگان [English] | ||
| Roxana Niknami | ||
| Assistant Professor of Regional Studies, University of Tehran | ||
| چکیده [English] | ||
| With the end of the Cold War, Europe has faced new geopolitical challenges and these challenges have increased the impact of the surrounding environment on European security. The independent Moldovan government was born in 1991 on a world political map. In 2004, Moldova entered the ENP and then the EaP. This policy is the most important tool of the EU to promote convergence in the Eastern Neighborhood and Moldova has made the best use of its facilities. The integration process led to DCFTA and a visa liberalization system was established for Moldova. Research question and hypothesis: having said that, it begs the question of what impact has the implementation of the ENP and the EaP on the EU-Moldova integration process and to what extent has the EU been successful in implementing it? The article hypothesis is that improving relations in the framework of the EU-Moldova Free Trade and Cooperation Agreement has led to the expansion of integration from the economic to the political and cultivated spheres and deepening of bilateral relations; but in terms of depth, its impact is limited by several of internal and external factors on both sides. Methodology: the data collection method in this study is qualitative and is based on the documentary method. This research is in line with the theoretical modeling method. In this regard, the theory of neo-functionalism has been applied. The emphasis of this paper is on the logic of spillover, which is emphasized in the theory of neo-functionalism. In terms of the level of analysis, this research is three-level and examines the issue in functional, political, and cultivated spillover. Result and Discussion: all things considered, in the field of functional spillover, the interactions made in the framework of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement to improve the standards of good governance were examined. In this regard, cooperation on the issue of Transnistria has been carried out in the form of 5+2 negotiations. The EUBAM was developed in the same direction. Economically, relations were driven by a system of preferences. In the political spillover, the Cooperation Agreement was reviewed; which was best crystallized in the form of a DCFTA. This agreement had many achievements in the field of integration and led to visa liberalization for Moldova. Package 8 was also implemented in the Transnistrian conflict. In the field of functional extension, EU institutions such as the Parliament, the Commission, and the Council of Europe acted as political entrepreneurs and took great strides in various aspects of strategic coalition building, bargaining influence and community framing. In Moldova, the institutions in charge of these three indicators are CEFTA, National Action Plan for Implementation of the Association Agreement and the Moldovan National Platform of the Eastern Partnership Civil Society Forum. Studies have shown that in terms of level and scope, relations between the parties have had a favorable growth and convergence has occurred well at all three levels. But in terms of depth, some internal constraints at the interior level of Europe and Moldova on the one hand and the regional level on the other, have prevented full deepening of integration. | ||
| کلیدواژه‌ها [English] | ||
| EaP, ENP, EU, Moldova, Neo-functionalism, Spillover | ||
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